Fascism Formulas --
Old & New

Joseph Burke -- Formula for Fascism:

I have derived a formula based on my literature review of primary and secondary sources that I believe is not overly simplistic or overly complex.

 

This formula provides a handy guideline of the essential requirements necessary for a movement to be considered National Socialist, even though it may be a modern version of it, or to help gauge whether a person is promoting Nazi views or can be legitimately termed as a Nazi, even though they may deny it. 

The key is to having these core 7  elements. If any one of these elements is missing, they are not National Socialist but something else, such as a simpler form of fascism. These seven spell out the acronym MAUSA³ or MAUSA. Four are core ideas that Nazis promote, and three are core ideas that they fight against. These are all of the essential must-have ideas for someone or for some movement to be considered as Nazi. There can be more ideas added to a particular form of fascism, but these seven are the bare bones fundamentals necessary for it be considered Nazi, Neo-Nazi, or Proto-Nazi:

1. Meritocracy

2. Authoritarianism (Totalitarian)

3. Ultra-Nationalism

4. Social Darwinism

5. Anti-Marxism

6. Anti-Liberalism

7. Anti-Intellectualism

Umberto Eco -- 10 features of fascism in correlation to MAUSA³ :

Eco has 14 features "that are typical of fascism." The term he uses is UR-FASCISM or "eternal fascism." Although all of his 14 features are definitely features of both fascism as well as National Socialism, many of the 14 features can be combined into similar ideas. Combining is a way of simplifying into a formula all those ideas that are similar or that overlap or that are basically the same or sub features of a broader idea or category. I will here first combine his 14 features by simplifying his formula using the terms already established in the Burke formula, and then beneath that I will list out his original, more complex, 14 points in their entirety for comparison. 

1. Ultra-Nationalism

This includes a cult of tradition that is "syncretistic." Syncretism, according to Eco, is "the combination of different forms of belief or practice; such a combination must tolerate contradictions."

Eco's seventh feature is a form of nationalism and social Darwinism combined in the creation of a non-existent inner threat to the nation. Those with privilege in a country are the majority ethnic group. Nationalism, just as with social Darwinism, creates a feeling of being "besieged" by inner corruption, usually ethnic, that needs to be cleansed or purified. "The followers must feel besieged. The easiest way to solve the plot [racist conspiracy theory] is the appeal to xenophobia."

Eco's eighth feature is the non-existent outer threat to the nation, also combined with social Darwinism in that the threat is usually ethnic or racially based. "The followers must feel humiliated by the ostentatious wealth and force of their enemies. ... the enemies are at the same time too strong and too weak."

2. Anti-Intellectualism

Just the above listed idea of syncretism belongs to a cult of a mythological nationalist past, it is also anti-intellectual. As Eco explains, "... there can be no advancement of learning. Truth has been spelled out once and for all, and we can only keep interpreting its obscure message." It is a rejection of modernism. "The Enlightenment, the Age of Reason, is seen as the beginning of modern depravity. In this sense Ur-fascism can be defined as irrationalism."

Eco's third point is also a form of anti-intellectualism as well. It's about "the cult of action for action's sake," which means to act without thinking, "without reflection. Thinking is a form of emasculation." Fascists "distrust the intellectual world. ... The official Fascist intellectuals [actually pseudo-intellectuals] were mainly engaged in attacking modern culture and the liberal intelligentsia for having betrayed traditional values."

Eco's fourth point is also about anti-intellectualism. It's about "disagreement as treason." In other words, "The critical [or questioning] spirit makes distinctions, and to distinguish is a sign of modernism," and of course, fascists are against questioning or having different opinions. Everyone has to be united in their thinking as one bundle or community, as represented by the ancient Roman symbol of the fasces. 

Eco's fourteenth and final feature is about Orwell's Newspeak. It's about fascism corruption of language by its changing of the fundamental meaning of key terms. It also achieves this with "an impoverished vocabulary, and an elementary syntax, in  order to limit the instruments for complex and critical reasoning."

3. Social Darwinism

Eco's fifth, seventh, and eighth features are social Darwinist in that "Ur-fascism is racist by definition" and the others or enemies of the people or of the nation are an ethnic or a racial enemy as well as a threat to the peace, strength, stability, and racial purity of the nation.

4. Anti-Liberalism

Eco's sixth and thirteenth features are a rejection of capitalism and of democratic parliamentarianism as forms of a corrupt and degenerate modern liberal world order. Eco focuses on the capitalist economic system that doesn't consistently work for everyone, especially "to a frustrated middle class" and writes that fascism "must be against 'rotten' parliamentary governments."

Eco's twelfth feature is a renunciation of equality. Fascism is about machismo. For example, in National Socialism a woman's place was symbolized by the three K's: Kirche, Küche, Kinder or in other words, a woman's place in the world was limited to religion, the kitchen, and to children. This included not just a "disdain for women" but likewise an "intolerance and condemnation of nonstandard [non-traditional] sexual habits, from chastity to homosexuality." These habits were considered examples of modern liberal degeneration. 

5. Meritocracy

Eco's ninth feature has to do with inner purification. It is also a way of discovering the heroes within the nation, those with naturally superior strength and abilities or those whose abilities are made superior through struggle. Even though National Socialism frequently promoted the idea of a no class system that does away with the traditional aristocracy, elites, and works, the idea of meritocracy also illustrates it's ultimate contradiction ideologically since meritocracy was the method used for identifying fascism's ruling elites from the rest of its popular mass. And this ninth feature is exactly that idea of meritocracy, that "life is lived for struggle" and that "life is permanent warfare," known as the Armageddon Complex.

Eco's eleventh feature is another element of meritocracy. It's part of the struggle used to winnow out the elite from the popular masses. In fascism, "everybody is educated to become a hero. ... This cult of heroism is strictly linked with the cult of death." 

6. Authoritarianism

Eco's tenth feature is about the Führerprinzip or the cult of the leader. It's about the fascist contempt for the weak and worship of the powerful and strong. It is a form of elitism, the purpose or point of meritocracy. It "is based upon the weakness of the masses; they are so weak as to need and deserve a ruler." 

Eco's thirteenth feature is the Common Will. It is similar to anti-intellectualism in that there is no individual will or thinking. "One follows the decisions of the majority. ... the Leader [Führer] pretends to be their interpreter" of what this common will should be. This common will is euphemistically called "The Voice of the People." 

7. Anti-Marxism

Umberto Eco doesn't mention anything about Marxism or or about economic theories such as socialism or communism. The only mention he makes about economics is in his sixth feature where he talks about a frustrated middle class.

 

Just to recap, ant-Marxism is anything that has to do with Marxist ideology, including the economic theories of socialism or communism, fascists are definitely against. Since National Socialism, like all fascism, is a reactionary or extremist conservative movement, they are inherently against all things left-wing. Marxists are known to be ideological purists, unlike National Socialists. Fascists are not ideological purists in the inflexible way Marxists are. Fascists are opportunists, and are not at all worried about ideological purity and will borrow from other ideologies and movements freely if they feel that by doing so it will increase their power and opportunity. A great example of this ideological contradiction within fascism is its willingness to use the benefits of the welfare state to increase its community or national well-being, even though by so doing, they are indulging themselves in a form of state socialism promoted by Marxism. For fascists the end justifies the means. 

These are Umberto Eco's 14 features of Ur-Fascism as simplified into the 7 core elements of the MAUSA³ Burke formula for fascism, the idea being that so many of Eco's 14 points overlap with other features so that it is easy to simply them down to these main 7 features. 

Now I will present the original 14 features as written by Umberto Eco without the MAUSA³ simplification. 

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Umberto Eco -- Formula for Fascism:

 

In spite of some fuzziness regarding the difference between various historical forms of fascism, I think it is possible to outline a list of features that are typical of what I would like to call Ur-Fascism or Eternal Fascism. These features cannot be organized into a system; many of them contradict each other and are also typical of other kinds of despotism or fanaticism. But it is enough that one of them be present to allow fascism to coagulate around it.


1. The first feature of Ur-Fascism is the cult of tradition.


Traditionalism is of course much older than fascism. Not only was it typical of counterrevolutionary Catholic thought after the French revolution, but is was born in the late Hellenistic era, as a reaction to classical Greek rationalism. In the Mediterranean basin, people of different religions (most of the faiths indulgently accepted by the Roman pantheon) started dreaming of a revelation received at the dawn of human history. This revelation, according to the traditionalist mystique, had remained for a long time concealed under the veil of forgotten languages--in Egyptian hieroglyphs, in the Celtic runes, in the scrolls of the little-known religions of Asia.
 

This new culture had to be syncretistic. Syncretism is not only as the dictionary says, "the combination of different forms of belief or practice"; such a combination must tolerate contradictions. Each of the original messages contains a sliver of wisdom and although they seem to say different or incompatible things, they all are nevertheless alluding, allegorically, to the same primeval truth.


As a consequence, there can be no advancement of learning. Truth already has been spelled out once and for all, and we can only keep interpreting its obscure message. If you browse in the shelves that, in American bookstores, are labeled New Age, you can find there even Saint Augustine, who, as far as I know, was not a fascist. But combining Saint Augustine and Stonehenge--that is a symptom of Ur-Fascism.


2. Traditionalism implies the rejection of modernism (Ur-fascism is irrationalism).

 

Both Fascists and Nazis worshipped technology, while traditionalist thinkers usually reject it as a negation of traditional spiritual
values. However, even though Nazism was proud of its industrial achievements, its praise of modernism was only the surface of an ideology based upon blood and earth (
Blut und Boden). The rejection of the modern world was disguised as a rebuttal of the capitalistic way of life. The Enlightenment, the Age of Reason, is seen as the beginning of modem depravity. In this sense Ur-Fascism can be defined as irrationalism.


3. Irrationalism also depends on the cult of action for action's sake.

 

Action being beautiful in itself, it must be taken before, or without, reflection. Thinking is a form of emasculation. Therefore culture is suspect insofar as it is identified with critical attitudes. Distrust of the intellectual world has always been a symptom of Dr-Fascism, from Hermann Goering's fondness for a phrase from a Hanns Johst play ("When I hear the word 'culture' I reach for my gun") to the frequent
use of such expressions as "degenerate intellectuals," "eggheads," "effete snobs," and "universities are nests of reds." The official Fascist intellectuals were mainly engaged in attacking modern culture and the liberal intelligentsia for having betrayed traditional values.


4. The critical spirit makes distinctions and to distinguish is a sign of modernism.

 

In modem culture the scientific community praises disagreement as a way to improve knowledge. For Ur-Fascism, disagreement is treason.


5. Besides, disagreement is a sign of diversity.

 

Ur-Fascism grows up and seeks consensus by exploiting and exacerbating the natural fear of difference. The first appeal of a fascist or prematurely fascist movement is an appeal against the intruders. Thus Ur-Fascism is racist by definition.


6. Ur-Fascism derives from individual or social frustration (Status Anxiety).


That is why one of the most typical features of the historical fascism was the appeal to a frustrated middle class, a class suffering from an economic crisis or feelings of political humiliation, and frightened by the pressure of lower social groups. In our time, when the old "proletarians" are becoming petty bourgeois (and the lumpen are largely excluded from the political scene), the fascism of tomorrow will find its audience in this new majority.


7. To people who feel deprived of a clear social identity, Ur-Fascism says that their only privilege is the most common one, to be born in the same country.

 

This is the origin of nationalism. Besides, the only ones who can provide an identity to the nation are its enemies. Thus at the root of the
Ur-Fascist psychology there is the
obsession with a plot, possibly an international one. The followers must feel besieged. The easiest way to solve the plot is the appeal to xenophobia. But the plot must also come from the inside: Jews are usually the best target because they have the advantage of being at the same time inside and outside. In the United States, a prominent instance of the plot obsession is to be found in Pat Robertson's The New World Order, but, as we have recently seen, there are many others.


8. The followers must feel humiliated by the ostentatious wealth and force of their enemies.

 

When I was a boy I was taught to think of Englishmen as the five-meal people. They ate more frequently than the poor but sober Italians. Jews are rich and help each other through a secret web of mutual assistance. However, the followers of Ur-Fascism must also be convinced that they can overwhelm the enemies. Thus, by a continuous shifting of rhetorical focus, the enemies are at the same time too strong and too weak. Fascist governments are condemned to lose wars because they are constitutionally incapable of objectively evaluating the force of the enemy.


9. For Ur-Fascism there is no struggle for life but, rather, life is lived for struggle.

 

Thus pacifism is trafficking with the enemy. It is bad because life is permanent warfare. This, however, brings about an Armageddon complex. Since enemies have to be defeated, there must be a final battle, after which the movement will have control of the world. But such "final solutions" implies a further era of peace, a Golden Age, which contradicts the principle of permanent war. No fascist leader has ever succeeded in solving this predicament.


10. Elitism is a typical aspect of any reactionary ideology, insofar as it is fundamentally aristocratic, and aristocratic and militaristic elitism cruelly implies contempt for the weak.


Ur-Fascism can only advocate a popular elitism. Every citizen belongs to the best people in the world, the members or the party are the best among the citizens, every citizen can (or ought to) become a member of the party. But there cannot be patricians without plebeians. In fact, the Leader, knowing that his power was not delegated to him democratically but was conquered by force, also knows that his force is based upon the weakness of the masses; they are so weak as to need and deserve a ruler.


11. In such a perspective everybody is educated to become a hero.

 

In every mythology the hero is an exceptional being, but in Ur-Fascist ideology heroism is the norm. This cult of heroism is strictly linked with the cult of death. It is not by chance that a motto of the Spanish Falangists was Viva la Muerte ("Long Live Death!"). In nonfascist societies, the lay public is told that death is unpleasant but must be faced with dignity; believers are told that it is the painful way to reach a supernatural happiness. By contrast, the Ur-Fascist hero craves heroic death, advertised as the best reward for a heroic life. The Ur-Fascist hero is impatient to die. In his impatience, he more frequently sends other people to death.


12. Since both permanent war and heroism are difficult games to play, the Ur-Fascist transfers his will to power to sexual matters.

 

This is the origin of machismo (which implies both disdain for women and intolerance and condemnation of nonstandard sexual habits, from chastity to homosexuality). Since even sex is a difficult game to play. the Ur-Fascist hero tends to play with weapons--doing so becomes an ersatz phallic exercise.


13. Ur-Fascism is based upon a selective populism, a qualitative populism, one might say.

 

In a democracy, the citizens have individual rights, but the citizens in their entirety have a political impact only from a quantitative point of view--one follows the decisions of the majority. For Ur-Fascism, however, individuals as individuals have no rights, and the People
is conceived as a quality, a monolithic entity expressing the Common Will. Since no large quantity of human beings can have a common will, the Leader pretends to be their interpreter. Having lost their power of delegation, citizens do not act; they are only called on to play the role of the People. Thus the People is only a theatrical fiction. There is in our future a TV or Internet populism, in which the emotional response of a selected group of citizens can be presented and accepted as the Voice of the People.

 

Because of its qualitative populism, Ur-Fascism must be against "rotten" parliamentary governments. Wherever a politician casts doubt on the legitimacy of a parliament because it no longer represents the Voice of the People, we can smell Ur-Fascism.


14. Ur-Fascism speaks Newspeak.

 

Newspeak was invented by Orwell, in Nineteen Eighty-Four, as the official language of what he called Ingsoc, English Socialism. But elements of Ur-Fascism are common to different forms of dictatorship. All the Nazi or Fascist schoolbooks made use of an impoverished vocabulary, and an elementary syntax, in order to limit the instruments for complex and critical reasoning. But we must be ready to identify other kinds of Newspeak, even if they take the apparently innocent form of a popular talk show.


Ur-Fascism is still around us, sometimes in plainclothes. It would be so much easier for us if there appeared on the world scene somebody saying, "I want to reopen Auschwitz, I want the Blackshirts to parade again in the Italian squares." Life is not that simple. Ur-Fascism can come back under the most innocent of disguises. Our duty is to uncover it and to point our finger at any of its new instances--every day, in every part of the world. Franklin Roosevelt's words of November 4, 1938, are worth recalling: "If American democracy ceases to move forward as a living force, seeking day and night by peaceful means to better the lot of our citizens, fascism will grow in strength in
our land." Freedom and liberation are an unending task.

Roger Griffin -- 10 features of fascism in correlation to MAUSA³ :

1. Meritocracy: Heterogeneous Social Support: In theory, fascism has no bias in support by class. In principle fascism should appeal to all classes equally. Both Italian Fascism and German Nazism made strong rhetorical gestures to all classes. The same could be said of support by gender, though the tendency to emphasize militarism and physical courage could be considered an appeal to chauvinism. Fascist Eclecticism: The concepts that make up Fascism are various, and historically ideas have been taken from both the far right (illiberalism, racism) and the far left (syndicalism). This was considered a strength by fascist leaders and these nearly contradictory ideas are always united by their relation to the concept of national rebirth.

2. Authoritarianism: Fascism’s Link to Totalitarianism: A fascist utopia would see the state as all powerful, and the population as homogeneous and well regimented to the ends of the state. The machinery required to ensure ideological and behavioral uniformity in that state would be Orwellian in scale. Mussolini put it frankly when he said: “All within the state, nothing outside the state, nothing against the state.”

3. Ultra-Nationalism: Fascism Tends to Operate as a Charismatic Form of Politics: Fascism tends to rely on personality cults, mass movements, and appeals to collective emotions over reason. Fascist Internationalism: While focused on issues relevant to its nation, fascism is perfectly capable of supporting and finding solidarity with fascist movements in other nations. Especially when facing common enemies. The Axis Powers are a clear example of this.

4. Social Darwinism: Fascist Racism: Griffin says, “By its nature fascism is racist, since all ultra- nationalisms are racist in their celebration of the alleged virtues and greatness of an organically conceived nation or culture”. In the same way, fascism opposes the "liberal vision of the multicultural, multi-religious, multiracial society”.

5. Anti-Liberalism: Fascists oppose pluralism, tolerance, individualism, democracy, the idea of natural rights, and the like. While fascist movements have often used democratic means to achieve power this does not deny their anti-democratic ends. Fascists view liberalism as a decedent and failed ideology. Fascism is also Anti-Conservative: The key element of Fascism is that it seeks a “national rebirth” or “new order”, this may make reference to a glorious past but doesn’t call for a return to it. They reject conservative status quo politics.

6. Anti-Marxist: Fascist "Socialism": Fascists claim that their movement offers the end of class conflict in society along with adequate reward for the productive members of the nation. Fascists reject Marxism and international socialism, but do favor a strong state role in the economy. Syndicalism and Corporatism are strong elements in fascist economics. Self- described socialists are noted haters of fascism in all forms. For their part, Fascists in Italy banned trade unions; the Nazis sent social democrats to concentration camps.

7. Anti-Intellectualism: Fascism is Anti-Rational: Fascists do not view man’s capacity to reason as the key human ability, but rather the capacity to be driven to heroic action by means of belief, myth, symbols, and the like.

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Griffin -- Ten features of “generic” fascism are:

1. Fascism is Anti-Liberal: Fascists oppose pluralism, tolerance, individualism, democracy, the idea of natural rights, and the like. While fascist movements have often used democratic means to achieve power this does not deny their anti-democratic ends. Fascists view liberalism as a decedent and failed ideology.

2. Fascism is Anti-Conservative: The key element of Fascism is that it seeks a “national rebirth” or “new order”, this may make reference to a glorious past but doesn’t call for a return to it. They reject conservative status quo politics.

3. Fascism Tends to Operate as a Charismatic Form of Politics: Fascism tends to rely on personality cults, mass movements, and appeals to collective emotions over reason.

4. Fascism is Anti-Rational: Fascists do not view man’s capacity to reason as the key human ability, but rather the capacity to be driven to heroic action by means of belief, myth, symbols, and the like.
 

5. Fascist ‘Socialism': Fascists claim that their movement offers the end of class conflict in society along with adequate reward for the productive members of the nation. Fascists reject Marxism and international socialism, but do favor a strong state role in the economy. Syndicalism and Corporatism are strong elements in fascist economics. Self- described socialists are noted haters of fascism in all forms. For their part, Fascists in Italy banned trade unions; the Nazis sent social democrats to concentration camps.
 

6. Fascism’s Link to Totalitarianism: A fascist utopia would see the state as all powerful, and the population as homogeneous and well regimented to the ends of the state. The machinery required to ensure ideological and behavioral uniformity in that state would be Orwellian in scale. Mussolini put it frankly when he said: “All within the state, nothing outside the state, nothing against the state.”
 

7. Heterogeneous Social Support: In theory, fascism has no bias in support by class. In principle fascism should appeal to all classes equally. Both Italian Fascism and German Nazism made strong rhetorical gestures to all classes. The same could be said of support by gender, though the tendency to emphasize militarism and physical courage could be considered an appeal to chauvinism.
 

8. Fascist Racism: Griffin says, “By its nature fascism is racist, since all ultra- nationalisms are racist in their celebration of the alleged virtues and greatness of an organically conceived nation or culture”. In the same way, fascism opposes the "liberal vision of the multicultural, multi-religious, multiracial society”.
 

9. Fascist Internationalism: While focused on issues relevant to its nation, fascism is perfectly capable of supporting and finding solidarity with fascist movements in other nations. Especially when facing common enemies. The Axis Powers are a clear example of this.

10. Fascist Eclecticism: The concepts that make up Fascism are various, and historically ideas have been taken from both the far right (illiberalism, racism) and the far left (syndicalism). This was considered a strength by fascist leaders and these nearly contradictory ideas are always united by their relation to the concept of national rebirth.

Robert Paxton -- 9 Mobilizing Passions of Fascism in Correlation to MAUSA³ :

 

1. Meritocracy: Need for the authority of a natural leader;

2. Authoritarianism: The primacy of the group and subordination of individuals to it; Need for the authority of a natural leader; Supremacy of leader’s instincts over reason; Right of chosen people to dominate others without restraint. Beauty of violence and efficacy of the will devoted to group’s success;

 

3. Ultra-Nationalism: A sense of overwhelming crisis; Dread of the group’s decline;

 

4. Social Darwinism: The belief that one group is a victim, justifying action beyond moral and legal limits; Call for purer community by consent of violence if necessary; Right of chosen people to dominate others without restraint.

 

5. Anti-Liberalism: Supremacy of leader’s instincts over reason; Right of chosen people to dominate others without restraint.

 

6. Anti-Marxist: Against Marxist ideas such as communism, socialism, or social democracy. 

7. Anti-Intellectualism: Imprisons or kills intellectuals, teachers, professors, and any independent thinkers or activists as non-conformist, unpatriotic, or anti-social (enemies of the people).

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Robert Paxton -- Nine Mobilizing Passions of Fascism:

Paxton is particularly useful in describing what he calls nine “mobilizing passions” of fascism that provide a common ground for most fascist movements. These include, in abbreviated form:

1. A sense of overwhelming crisis;

 

2. The primacy of the group and subordination of individuals to it;

 

3. The belief that one group is a victim, justifying action beyond moral and legal limits;

 

4. Dread of the group’s decline;

 

5. Call for purer community by consent of violence if necessary;

 

6. Need for the authority of a natural leader;

 

7. Supremacy of leader’s instincts over reason;

 

8. Beauty of violence and efficacy of the will devoted to group’s success;

 

9. Right of chosen people to dominate others without restraint.

 

The Anatomy of Fascism, 41-42

Mark Jacob -- 10 Elements of Fascism in Correlation to MAUSA³ :

 

Jacob uses William Shirer's classic on National Socialism The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich as the main source for his formula.


1. Meritocracy

Military and political leaders were chosen not for their wealth, as was the tradition in German society, but based on their merit or on their ability to be faithful to party ideology as well as to be creative and tenacious in getting difficult tasks successfully accomplished. 

 

2. Authoritarianism

 

  • There’s a cult of personality. Nazis: The German army made a pledge of loyalty to Hitler personally (226-227).


3. Ultra-Nationalism

  • Some people think the fascist threat is overblown. They were simply ultra-patriotic. Nazis: While Hitler posed a major threat, some said he "ceased to be a political danger” (180). Two weeks later, he was chancellor.

4. Social Darwinism

  • There’s an obsession with purity of the culture. Nazis: “Racial mixture” was a threat to Aryan culture, Hitler wrote (87).

5. Anti-Marxism

  • The super-rich bankroll the right-wing seizure of power. Nazis: Thanks to I.G. Farben, Deutsche Bank, Thyssen, Krupp, etc. because it was opposed to Communism (145).

  • Christianity is used to legitimize the movement. Since Marxism was anti-religion, as it was the opium used to control the people by the bourgeoisie, people who were religious gravitated toward the National Socialists instead of the communists. Nazis: “The party stands for positive Christianity” (234).

6. Anti-Liberalism

  • Chaos is something to be exploited, not addressed. Nazis: Economic distress is a great political opportunity (136).

7. Anti-Intellectualism

  • A big lie about treachery is used to foment resentment. Nazis: We didn’t really lose World War I. It was a “stab in the back” by Jews and other "November criminals" (32).

  • Books are the enemy. Nazis: Any book that “acts subversively on our future” must be burned (241).

  • An independent news media is the enemy. Nazis: Any newspaper that “offends the honor and dignity of Germany” must be banned (245).

  • Educators are pressured to be politically compliant. Nazis: Teachers took an oath to “be loyal and obedient to Adolf Hitler” (249).

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Mark Jacob -- 10 Elements of Fascism:

1. A big lie about treachery is used to foment resentment.

2. There’s an obsession with purity of the culture.

3. Chaos is something to be exploited, not addressed.

4. The super-rich bankroll the right-wing seizure of power.

5. Some people think the fascist threat is overblown.

6. There’s a cult of personality.

7. Christianity is used to legitimize the movement.

8. Books are the enemy.

9. An independent news media is the enemy.

10. Educators are pressured to be politically compliant.

https://twitter.com/MarkJacob16/status/1565791600642506755  

Erich Fromm -- 8 Elements of Fascism:



1. Meritocracy

  • Develops or has a psychological mixture of sadistic and masochistic characteristics.

  • Hierarchical view of the world (vertical thinking)

2. Authoritarianism

  • Seeks security from a wider group of people.

  • Seeks to force others to conform to their culture of authoritarian values.

3. Ultra-Nationalism

  • Seeks to show loyalty to this wider group through self-imposed and extremist forms of subordination and duty.

4. Social Darwinism

  • Seeks an "outside" group to "scapegoat" or bully, some minority "other" who are considered a threat and yet weak.

 

5. Anti-Marxism

  • Conflates socialism with communism

  • Anything that helps people who are considered weak or "less than" is bad, such as welfare or social security, etc. 

6. Anti-Liberalism

  • The modern culture of the "Mass Man" and its atomization of the individual makes them feel a sense of alienation from their community and from other human beings. 

7. Anti-Intellectualism

  • Propensity for conspiracy theories, such as a deep state or a world power.

  • Anti-Elitist, for example, targets experts and teachers and professors and public education in general.

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Erich Fromm -- 8 Elements of Fascism:

  1. Develops or has a psychological mixture of sadistic and masochistic characteristics.
     

  2. Has a hierarchical view of the world (vertical thinking only).
     

  3. Seeks security from a wider group of people.
     

  4. Seeks to force others to conform to their culture of authoritarian values.
     

  5. Seeks to show loyalty to this wider group through self-imposed and extremist forms of duty and subordination.
     

  6. Seeks an "outside" group to "scapegoat" or bully, some minority "other" who are considered a threat and yet weak.
     

  7. The modern culture of the "Mass Man" and its atomization of the individual makes them feel a sense of alienation from their community and from other human beings. 
     

  8. Propensity for conspiracy theories, such as a deep state or a world power.

Erich Fromm, Fear of Freedom

Michael Billig, "The Concept of a Fascist Personality"

Henry Giroux -- 15 Elements of Fascism in Correlation to MAUSA³ :

1. Meritocracy:

  • Contempt for human weakness,

  • Disparaging of human rights,

 

2. Authoritarianism:

  • Call for a strongman,

  • Aggressive militarism,

  • Obsession with hyper-masculinity,

  • Suppression of dissent,

  • Propensity for violence,

3. Ultra-Nationalism:

  • Appeal to national greatness,

  • Investment in the language of cultural decline,

4. Social Darwinism:

  • Disdain for the feminine,

  • Fantasies of racial superiority,

  • Eliminationist policies aimed at social cleansing

5. Anti-Marxism:

  • Anti-welfare state

6. Anti-Liberalism:

  • Open assault on democracy,

7. Anti-Intellectualism:

  • Disdain for intellectuals,

  • Hatred of reason.

__________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Henry Giroux -- 15 Elements of Fascism

1. Open assault on democracy,

 

2. Call for a strongman,

 

3. Contempt for human weakness,

 

4. Obsession with hyper-masculinity,

 

5. Aggressive militarism,

 

6. Appeal to national greatness,

 

7. Disdain for the feminine,

 

8. Investment in the language of cultural decline,

 

9. Disparaging of human rights,

 

10. Suppression of dissent,

 

11. Propensity for violence,

 

12. Disdain for intellectuals,

 

13. Hatred of reason,

 

14. Fantasies of racial superiority, and

 

15. Eliminationist policies aimed at social cleansing.

Henry Giroux, "Neoliberal Fascism and the Echoes of History," 2022.